Americanization of Russia and its Impact on Young Generation

Introduction Currently, the world is characterized by globalization and its effects are evident in all countries. It affects all sectors which are inclusive but not limited to political, economic and cultural sector. Culture is one of the sectors which are greatly affected by globalization because it is a wide topic which refers to people’s way of life.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Americanization of Russia and its Impact on Young Generation specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More However, although there is free flow of cultural ideas between different countries and different continents, American culture has extended to almost all countries in the world since it is considered to be superior to other cultures (Marling pp.7). As a result, all the other cultures in the world have been greatly impacted by the American culture. Russia is no exception as the American culture has had great impact on it. Sinc e culture is diverse, this paper shall focus on the positive impacts of the American culture on Russian language and some cultural changes that have been caused by Americanization. Background Information Cultural diffusion is a common occurrence in the age of globalization as there are many factors that influence the same. Although all the other countries are affected by Americanization, Russia has been greatly affected especially due to the Western domination in to the East after the fall of the USSR. Consequently, Russia is characterized by American cultural symbols. Although there are negative changes especially in relation to spending, Americanization has contributed greatly to social improvement. Since language is often used a means of communication, it has been seriously affected by the Americanization. This is due to the fact that that globalization has facilitated free movement of people from Russia to America (Bogardus pp.189). On the same note, people from America can sett le in Russia and as a result, Russian language has been greatly influenced by the American English. Americanization of the Russian Language Russian language is one of the Eastern Slavonic languages and it is spoken by about two hundred and seventy seven million people from Belarus, Ukraine, Russia and Kazakhstan. However, it is also spoke in other countries like United States, Canada, Israel, Finland and Poland to name just a few.Advertising Looking for research paper on cultural studies? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The language has got a long history as it dates from the tenth century although it appeared in writing much later in the seventh and the eighteenth century. However, despite the fact that it was only a few authors who would have written in Russian during the era of the Soviet Union, a lot of people were using the language by then (Ager Para 2). In view of the fact that language is prone to growth, Russian langu age has been growing rapindly since its establishment. Despite the fact that Russian language has been greatly influenced by English, there is a big difference between the two languages as studies indicate that it takes ten percent longer to communicate in Russian than in English. As highlighted earlier in this paper, American influence on the Russian language had been in existence for quite some time. As a result, the language has been affected in various ways. For instance, there are some America words that have been incorporated in the Russian language. Moreover, English became a very popular in Russia especially towards the end of the end of the twentieth century. Consequently, a lot of people especially the young people and children started to communicate purely in English. To make the mater even worse, some could not even communicate in Russian although it is their vernacular while others can only hear but cannot use it for speaking even at home. Studies indicate that American ization of the Russian language was not only a matter of concern to the scholars but also to the parents. Due to that, many parents made it a rule for their children to communicate purely in Russian especially in the home set up. According to the studies of Melnyk (Para 4), influence of English on Russian language increased during the post Soviet era although before then there were still some similarities. For example, the same studies illustrate that some English words like weekend and girl friend are pronounced the same way in the Russian language. However, during the post Soviet era, influence increased due to Western movies, teaching of English in Russian Universities, Western press as well as due to the increased Western books in Russia. Currently, due to technological advancement and development of a global economy, more English words related to the same fields are being used in the Russian language.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Americanizati on of Russia and its Impact on Young Generation specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Such words are inclusive but not limited to email, broker, voucher, browser, coupon, user and provider. Most words in Russian slang are characterized by Russian affixes and English roots. For example, Russian words like mastdait meaning to criticize originates from English meaning must die. Due to Americanization, some of the Russian words are currently being used while referring to some of the English words which have got similar sounds. For instance, studies of Melnyk (Para 6) illustrate that a word like mylo which means soap in Russian is used while refereeing to email just because the two words have got similar sounds. Additionally, young people in Russia are currently using a lot of English words in their vocabulary such as cool and wow. Impact of Americanization and Other Cultural Changes on Young People As much as Americanization in any country aff ects people across all the age brackets, young are affected more than any other group in the society. This is due to the fact that it is the group that is most active not to mention that it is also the group that interacts more with the foreigners. Most of the young people travel to America for study purposes and interact with Americans in the local learning institutions. In addition, it is the same group that is greatly influenced by music and the American movies. As a result, there is so much change in their life due to Americanization. Their language is mostly affected as the study indicates that their speech is characterized by slang which has got its roots in English. No one can negate the importance of a vernacular language but on the other hand, there are numerous benefits that a bilingual or people who know more than one language reap. In reference to Russian language, Americanization is very important as it is easier to express oneself in English more than in Russian. On th e same note, it is important to point out that Americanization has led to development of certain words that are very helpful in expression.Advertising Looking for research paper on cultural studies? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Americanization of Russian language is very significant to immigrants from Russia in the United States. This is due to the fact that it prevents or eliminates culture shock as knowledge of some of the American words helps Russians to get assimilated easily in the American culture. Culture shock becomes a major problem especially to people who are not acquitted with the American way of life. For instance, in the studies of Luria, Seymour Trudy (pp. 100), a mother explains that her daughter was constantly ill after they settled in the United States. Once consulted, the pediatrician explained that the main cause of colds and flu was due to culture shock as it caused an inner struggle. The mother reported that once the daughter learnt the American language and mannerism, her problem of sickness ceased. Such a case illustrates that even though Americanization has negative implications, there are some positive effects as well. Conclusion and Recomendation As much as linguistics and other scholars are doing their best to stop Americanization of Russian language, the situation will remain unless a sound intervention is sought. This is due to the fact that the problem occurs so naturally. For instance, Russians who settle in America start to use American words such as landlord, insurance, deposit and rent in their speech to be able to communicate well. Likewise, Americans who settle in Russia borrow some Russian words and begin to use them in their speech. Therefore, the problem may not be eliminated easily especially in this era characterized by free movement of people from one country to another. In addition, media is a great contributor to the same since in a country like Russia; there are a lot of American movies and music (Kouznetsov pp. 293). However, having said that, the importance of preservation of a vernacular language cannot be underestimated. In that case, it is important for the right measures to be put in place to control if not eliminate further Americ anization. Studies of Marsh Marsh (pp. 522) illustrate that in the twenty first century, the government has prohibited making any announcement and advertisement in any other language expect Russian. Some parents are also doing their best to ensure that their parents use Russian since it is their vernacular language. Other important measures ought to be put in place failure to which Americanization will not only continue, but also and take root in Russia. Works Cited Ager, Simon. Russian (Ð  Ã'Æ'Ã' Ã' Ã ºÃ ¸Ã ¹ Ã' Ã ·Ã'‹Ð º). 2010. Web. Bogardus, Emory Stephen. Essentials of Americanization. Chicago: BiblioBazaar, LLC, 2009. Print. Kouznetsov, Victor. † Information and Cultural Changes in Present Day Russia and their Influence on the Political System.† Information and Cultural Changes. Print. Luria, Harriet, Deborah M. Seymour and Trudy Smoke. Language and linguistics in context: readings and applications for teachers. London: Routledge, 2005. Print. Marling, William. How â€Å"American† is globalization? Baltimore: JHU Press, 2006. Print. Marsh, Rosalind and Rosalind J. Marsh. Literature, history and identity in post-Soviet Russia, 1991-2006. Bern: Peter Lang, 2007. Print. Melnyk, Yuliya. The influence of English on the Russian language. 2010. Web. This research paper on Americanization of Russia and its Impact on Young Generation was written and submitted by user Amel1a to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Medical Advancement And Predatory Criminals Essay Example

Medical Advancement And Predatory Criminals Essay Example Medical Advancement And Predatory Criminals Paper Medical Advancement And Predatory Criminals Paper Anthropological research data has shown the violence is an inherent conduct among the primate species (Walker, 2001). In society, criminal violence is a common occurrence and legislators have suggested that the behavior of criminals be analyzed in order to identify any psychological patterns that are consistent among these particular types of individuals. In the past few decades, neurobiologists have proposed that an individual’s condition, which encompasses empathy, morality and free will, is holistically influenced by the frequency of stimulation and assembly of the neurons of an individual. Such notion is contradictory to the concept of Cartesian dualism, which states that the brain and the mind are two independent entities that coordinate with each other. To date, the accumulation of research reports from the field of neuroscience is gradually affecting the concepts and effectivity of the justice system because of the shifting in the concept of human behavior and response to different stimuli. Neuroscience has influenced our current understanding of the multiple factors that govern violent behavior among criminals. The 19th century classic report of Phineas Gage regarding the anti-social behavior that emerged after massive damage of the prefrontal cortex of his brain from a railroad accident is now considered as the birth of the field of forensic neurology (Harlow, 1848). Today, computerized imaging of his fractured skull has shown that the autonomic and social nerve systems are the specific damages that were affected, thus resulting in a totally different individual. Such observation, together with research results gathered from war veterans, has led to the conclusion that violent criminal behavior is caused by injuries to the frontal lobe of the brain. It has then been proposed that injury to the prefrontal cortex of the brain causes a condition that has been coined as acquired sociopathy or pseudopsychopath (Blair and Cipolotti, 2000). It is interesting to know that there is an 11% reduction in the size of the grey matter of the prefrontal cortex among patients diagnosed with anti-social personality disorder (APD) (Raine et al. , 2000). A related observation has also been observed between intelligence and alterations in the grey matter of the prefrontal cortex. The temporal lobe of the brain has also been determined to influence an individual’s emotional response and aggression, wherein lesions in the amygdale of the temporal lobe result in an individual’s failure to recognize fear and sadness among the faces of other people (van Elst et al. , 2001). The connection between the decreased expression of the monoamine oxidase A enzyme and reactive violence has already been established (Caspi et al. , 2002). Monoamine oxidase A is responsible for the catabolism of monoamines such as serotonin (5-HT). The working hypothesis currently accepted is that the prefrontal-amygdala connection is altered, resulting in a dysfunctional aggressive and violent behavior, resulting in criminality in particular individuals. In a recent study conducted by Young et al. (2007), the association between an individual’s opinion and his corresponding actions was proven using neurobiological support that an area of the brain was responsible for such behavior. This particular area of the brain, the right temporoparietal junction (RTPJ) was observed to play a major role in an individual’s beliefs and further classifies these notions as either negative or neutral. The negative beliefs that are generated in this section of the brain thus triggers whether an individual would want to cause harm in another individual. This revolutionary concept of acknowledgment of belief is the first form of neurobiological data that describes the connection between the brain and moral judgment. Four states of mind were described to be influenced by the activation of the RTPJ, of which 3 states were harmful and 1 was neutral in outcome. The 3 harmful states of mind included intentional injury, attempted mischief and unintentional damage. In addition, the report described that an increase in the stimulation of the RTPJ generally resulted in an individual either attempting or purposely causing harm to another individual. Such stimulation of that particular of the brain is thus responsible in an individual’s judgment of morality and behavior in society. The recent report of Young et al. (2007) has motivated scientists to develop a microchip to may be surgically introduced into the brain of an individual in order to regulate the response of the RTPJ and ultimately prevent an individual from committing harmful acts. The plan of requiring the surgical insertion of this microchip into the brains of criminals and using the presence of this microchip as main basis for release or parole of a convicted criminal is unethical because this can be perceived as a form of eugenics. This field of genetics involves the active selection of individuals with appropriate features that are deemed worthy of being included in society. For several decades, there have been several attempts in selecting which individuals will be allowed to survive around the world. The principle of eugenics is mainly based on picking specific physical and anatomical features that are classified as good or bad and those individuals with poor or bad features are treated with biomedical tools in order to change their features. An extreme form of eugenics is the mass destruction of certain populations in society by another group of individuals, as was evident in Hitler’s eradication of the Jews. An advocate of the biological connection of criminality would employ the concept of eugenics in screening individuals that show a potential to show criminal and anti-social behavior. To make things more complex, the features that were described to be triggered in the brain, such as the RTPJ, may also be used as criteria in admission to schools and workhouses. An extreme reaction would even result in construction of facilities that would enclose candidates or suspects for criminal behavior. A biological discrimination would thus be observed and this unfair basis of screening individuals would create more chaos in society. Eugenics may also be translated as a screening tool in picking which criminals will be kept in prison and which individuals will be freed and this action will be mainly based on the biological features of whether the criminal may be rehabilitated or transformed into a normal non-aggressive person. The so-called degenerate individuals would be kept off the streets in order to prevent interaction with non-degenerate individuals, as well as to prevent future crimes in the community. In addition, society would be introduced to the option of strictly selecting partners for marriage because they will be taught to pick partners that show obvious physical differences from the consensus physical features of criminals. It is thus inappropriate and unethical to require criminals to have the microchip surgically inserted into their brain unless the criminal himself volunteers for this procedure. Should the criminal be given the choice, the surgical insertion of the microchip may be possible, yet the ultimate role of microchip usage in the determination of freedom of a human being is still questionable. The criminal may opt for the microchip because he knows that he will be released soon after the procedure is completed. However, knowing that all biological species evolve through time, another section of the brain may develop capabilities in triggering criminal behavior and after several decades or centuries this problem of criminality will still be around because a new region of the brain is not stimulated to cause criminal behavior among individuals. More importantly, there are also research reports that contradict the microchip concept, wherein the RTPJ is not the sole brain regions that controls the mind (Mitchell, 2008). This contradictory report thus suggests that there more research and investigations should be performed in order to better understand the connection between the brain and the theory of mind and moral judgment. References Blair RJ and Cipolotti L (2000): Impaired social response reversal. A case of ‘acquired sociopathy’. Brain 123:1122–1141. Caspi A, McClay J, Moffi tt TE, Mill J and Martin J (2002): Role of genotype in the cycle of violence in maltreated children. Science 297:851–854. Harlow J (1848): Passage of an iron bar through the head. Boston Med Surg J 13:389–393. Mitchell JP (2008): Activity in right temporo-parietal junction is not selective for theory-of-mind. Cereb Cortex 18:262-271 Raine A, Lencz T, Bihrle S, LaCasse L and Colletti P (2000) Reduced prefrontal gray matter volume and reduced autonomic activity in antisocial personality disorder. Arch Gen Psychiatry 57:119–127. van Elst LT, Trimble MR, Ebert D, van Elst LT (2001) Dual brain pathology in patients with affective aggressive episodes. Arch Gen Psychiatry 58:1187–1188. Walker PL (2001): A bioarchaeological perspective on the history of violence. Annu Rev Anthropol 30: 573–596. Young L, Cushman F, Hauser M and Saxe R (2007): The neural basis of the interaction between theory of mind and moral judgment. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 104(20):8

Ethnography Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Ethnography - Essay Example Ethnography refers to a collection of qualitative methods usually utilized in social sciences. These qualitative methods in most cases focus on close observation of social interactions and practises. These methods used in ethnography enable a researcher to interpret as well as build on theories that outline the occurrence of a given social process, the reasons that underlie a given occurrence within the society (Andrew, 1988: p.45). Ethnography studies the social interactions of people within a given society, their perceptions, as well as, their behaviors in relation to particular communities, organizations, teams and groups. The roots of this study trace down to the anthropological studies of rural minute areas, usually from a very remote setting. The central aim of this policy is to determine the provision of a rich as well as holistic insight into the views and actions of people. In addition, this study also considers their nature such as the sights and sounds within their environ ment or the location of their residence. The collection of this information follows several outlined features about the cultures of a give society. As such, there are several policy issues outlining the ethnography tendencies within the society (Clifford, 2013). ... As such, ethnography entails a graphical representation as well as in writing of a particular culture of a group within the society. As such, the relevant authorities come up with different policies that follow the concept of ethnocentrism (Hoey, 2013). An understanding of ethnography enables these companies to trade properly in new areas with different cultures from those of their homeland. In addition, it enables these organizations to dispel ethnocentrism from leaders or management teams of their organizations. Ethnocentrism is the tendency to overlook the cultures of other groups or factions in the society. An ethnocentric person feels that other cultures are inferior to theirs, and as such, assumes that his or her culture is the best in the society. Furthermore, he or she ends up making critical management decisions based on their culture, irrespective of the cultures surrounding the communities within which his or her organization operates. For instance, an American company ope rating in Kuwait appoints an ethnocentric individual to head the delegation. Kuwait has a very different culture compared to the American culture. As such, it is very wrong for a manager from the United States to impose American cultures on Kuwait nationals when operating in their home country. On the contrary, this American manager should try to operate like a native from Kuwait (Egger, 2008: p.94). The most common policies of the study of ethnocentrism occur in the investment and expansion analysis of multinational corporations. Most of these companies that expand into foreign territories foe market expansions as well as exploitation of investment opportunities have to

UK Investment in China Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4250 words

UK Investment in China - Assignment Example The fÐ °ll in foreign direct investment (FDI) since 1999, Ð °nd ChinÐ °Ã¢â‚¬â„¢s growing shÐ °re, worry most developing countries. But Ð °n in-depth look reveÐ °ls new Ð °nd promising trends. The decline is lÐ °rgely Ð ° one-time Ð °djustment following the privÐ °tizÐ °tion boom of the 1990s. FDI is coming from more countries—Ð °nd going to more sectors. The conditions for Ð °ttrÐ °cting FDI vÐ °ry by sector: in lÐ °bor-intensive mÐ °nufÐ °cturing, for exÐ °mple, efficient customs Ð °nd flexible lÐ °bor mÐ °rkets Ð °re key, while in retÐ °il Ð °ccess to lÐ °nd Ð °nd equÐ °l enforcement of tÐ °x rules mÐ °tter most. Sorting out the microeconomic issues by sector will be good not only for FDI but Ð °lso for domestic investors. While ChinÐ ° Ð °ccounts for 39 percent of the FDI to developing countries, it Ð °lso Ð °ccounts for Ð °lmost 30 percent of the developing world’s populÐ °tion. In fÐ °ct, relÐ °tive to GDP, ChinÐ °Ã¢â‚¬â„¢s performÐ °nce in Ð °ttrÐ °cting FDI is good but not extrÐ °ordinÐ °ry, with FDI Ð °t 3.8 percent of GDP in 1999–2002. Nineteen developing countries did better over the sÐ °me period. ChinÐ °Ã¢â‚¬â„¢s performÐ °nce looks even less extrÐ °ordinÐ °ry if Ð °djusted for the round-tripping of FDI through Hong Kong (ChinÐ °), which some estimÐ °tes suggest mÐ °y Ð °ccount for Ð °s much Ð °s 30 percent of totÐ °l FDI to ChinÐ °. ChinÐ ° retÐ °il investments continuously grow (12 % in 2005) Ð °nd remÐ °in very Ð °ttrÐ °ctive. However, becÐ °use internÐ °tionÐ °l retÐ °ilers Ð °re fueling this growth, mÐ °rket sÐ °turÐ °tion is Ð °lso on the rise. More thÐ °n 40 foreign retÐ °ilers hÐ °ve entered the mÐ °rket to dÐ °te. From the generÐ °l review of the FDI in ChinÐ ° it cÐ °n be concluded thÐ °t Tesco hÐ °s potentiÐ °l to enter Chinese mÐ °rket Ð °nd to stÐ °y successful on it. This is due to the FDI trend Ð °nd its success in recent decÐ °des. ... The compny is plnning to open 16 new stores in Chin, three of which will be in Donggung. nnul retil sles in this region incresed more thn 17% in 2005, mking it one of the most promising res in Chin. Tesco lso opertes 41 hypermrkets in the country through joint venture with Ting Hsin. With Wl-Mrt nd Crrefour firmly entrenched nd Tesco gining ground, the retil mrket is poised for some interesting developments in the next few months. However, sturtion levels, especilly in Chin's more ttrctive tier-one centers, re incresing. Tesco interntionl strtegy should be bsed on the six elements shped in compny's report over ten yers go: Be flexible - ech mrket is unique nd requires different pproch ct locl - locl customers, locl cultures, locl supply chins nd locl regultions require tilored offer delivered by locl stff - less thn 100 of Tesco's Interntionl tem re ex-pts Keep focus - to be the leding locl brnd is long term effort nd tkes decdes, not just few yers Be multi-formt - no single formt cn rech the whole of the mrket. whole spectrum from convenience to hypermrkets is essentil nd you need to tke discounter pproch throughout Develop cpbility - developing skill in people, processes nd systems nd being ble to shre this skill between mrkets will improve the chnces of success in chllenging Mrkets Build brnds - brnds enble the building of importnt lsting reltionships with customers. In order to make a profound environmentl udit for Tesco, SWOT analysis is conducted. This analysis is a way of looking at the Tesco as a business, where the strengths and weaknesses of the organisation can be contrasted with the threats and opportunities of the outside business environment. Table 1 Tesco - SWOT

Diabetes Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Diabetes - Research Paper Example There are two types of diabetes, type one and type two diabetes which are more or less the same but differ regarding the causes, treatment and implications. There are three categories of diabetes. 1) Type 1 Diabetes Type 1diabetes refers to the situation where the body fails to secrete insulin and is known by several names like early diabetes. This type of diabetes develops at early ages of 40 and typically begins in people’s teenage or tender ages (Eisenbarth et al. 101). Type 1diabetes is not as prevalent as type 2 in the sense that it accounts for merely 10% of total cases of diabetes (American Diabetes Association 1). Permanent insulin injections are recommended as a remedy to this category of diabetes. Similarly, standard blood tests to detect the degree of sugar in the blood are recommended along with strict adherence to specified diet (American Diabetes Association 1). 2) Type 2Diabetes Type 2 diabetes occurs in cases where the body fails to generate adequate insulin fo r the required functions or when the body fails to appropriately react to insulin. Type 2 diabetes is the most prevalent among the two and accounts for more than two thirds of total cases of diabetes (Eisenbarth et al. 102). ... Therefore, type 2 diabetes is a chronic illness that is more widespread than type one and is a developing illness which becomes severe with the passage of time. In as much as patients may reduce its severity through exercise and other measures, it becomes very necessary to take insulin as time passes. Similarly, the chances of developing the disease are higher as a person progresses in age (Food and nutrition informational centre 1). Causes Type 1 diabetes is supposed to be an autoimmune illness. The body’s immune system purposely assails the cells in the pancreas that generate insulin (Eisenbarth et al. 44). 1. A predisposition to contract type 1diabetes can run in families, but hereditary causes are much more widespread for type 2 diabetes. 2. Environmental aspects, including widespread unavoidable viral illnesses, may also lead to type 1diabetes. 3. Type 1 diabetes is mainly common in individuals of non-Hispanic, Northern European origin, followed by African Americans, alon g with Hispanic Americans. It is comparatively uncommon in those of Asian origin. 4. Type 1 diabetes is somewhat more widespread in men compared to women. Type 2diabetes has strong hereditary links, implying that it tends to operate in families. Numerous genes have been recognized, and several are under investigation which may compare to the causative factors of category 2 diabetes (Eisenbarth et al. 45). Risk factors for contracting type 2 diabetes comprise the following: high fat diet, increased consumption of alcohol, sedentary lifestyle, obesity, soaring blood triglyceride levels, ethnicity, aging and high blood pressure (Food and nutrition informational centre 1). Treatment The main objective in treating

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties

Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties Marketing Strategies of UK Political Parties In this paper we examine the use of political marketing in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. It focuses on the hypothetical theoretical aspects of marketing frameworks, which are identified and applying these frameworks to the marketing strategies of the political parties within the UK and the US. Additionally, we compare and contrast certain aspects of the marketing frameworks that have been identified with the parties, analysing whether the use of the frameworks are inherently present with regard to their electioneering and campaigning strategies. Political marketing has come to be an increasingly exciting and integrated phenomenon that the majority of significant public figures and political employees are vividly aware of. It holds the potential to transform politics as we know it, and exert a tremendous influence on the way everyones life is run, but we will only ever reach a greater understanding of the existing and potential consequences of political marketing if we acknowledge and accept the breadth and nature of the phenomenon. The reason why marketing can be attached to politics is that in essence they share some common tenets: the aim to understand how political organisations act in relation to their market and vice versa. Furthermore, marketing, being somewhat more prescriptive, provides tools and ideas about how organisations could behave in relation to their market in order to set aims and objectives, so that at the end they can achieve their goals. It can help an organisation understand the demands of its market. T he idea of a political system that meets peoples needs and demands links back to traditional politics: Jones and Moran (1994, 17) argue that British democracy means that the people can decide the government and exercise influence over the decisions governments take. Political marketing is simply a way of doing this in the 21st century with a critical, well informed and consumerist mass franchise. The evidence suggests that major British parties are not just applying the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to match voters concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups) rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Therefore, they are attempting to become what is known in business terms as ‘market oriented and designing their ‘product to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature. It may also cause potential problems for political parties in the long-term, as well as having significant normative implications for politics as a whole. This paper therefore explores the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level integrating management, marketing and political science literature to find out how British political parties and the US political parties have used marketing and become market-oriented. It will examine the extent to which the ‘New Labour Party in 1997 exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservatives in 1979. We would also consider its use in the US by the Republican and Democratic political party and how it has affected the political landscape. It will be seen how the Conservative party used marketing to inform policy design, a model which ‘New Labour followed but to a greater extent, using results from market intelligence to push for changes to the role of the memberships and further centralisation of power to ensure a clear organisational structure within the party. In more recent times, the endorsement of George W. Bush (jnr), by the Repub lican Party in the US and how the product, i.e. his behaviour over the election period leading up to his election win was galvanised through political marketing. It is hoped that this paper will highlight how the implications of political marketing are much wider than at first sort. Marketing is a form of management or method used primarily by business organisations. It has evolved to include the design and promotion of a product to ensure that the goals of the organisation, the prime one being to make profit in the case of a business, are met. It is not just about selling, or in this case campaigning. As Levitt (1960: 50) argues, that the difference between marketing and selling is more than dynamic. Selling focuses on the needs of the seller, marketing focuses on the need of the buyer. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms can satisfy customers wants, and adopt what is called a market-oriented approach as this is deemed the most effective way to meet the firms goals Drucker (1954:37). Cannon (1996:6) found that with business organisations the idea that firms exist, first and foremost, to satisfy customers needs has not been accommodated easily into the operations of many organisations. It is likely in this case, to be even more difficult with a political party, which is bound to consist of many ideas and attitudes to how the party as a whole should behave, not the least, different theories of the meaning of democracy and the role of the elites. Kotler and Andreasen (1987:505), suggest that everything about an organisation, which includes, its products, employees facilities, and actions, all communicate something to the general public. Not only the nature of the leader, but also the behaviour and rights of the partys members could be influential in attracting or repelling voters. As Shaw (1994:175) puts it, the British Labour party failed to win the 1992 general election because (amongst other factors), despite changes in policy, the then leader of the party, lacked the time and support to transform the party itself, a fatal weakness, since the character and behaviour of its activists at the time, its ethos, language and rituals, and most importantly, its close association with the trade unions, all alienated the electorate. A party with the wrong approach to gain the attention of the voting electorate is more likely to fail. As Scullion and Dermody (2004:361), argues that the campaigns employed by the political parties were being accused of failing to engage a disinterested young electorate. In their comparison of New Labour (UK) and New Democrats (US), Ingram and Lees-Marshment (2002:5), state that systemic differences between the countries, the UK and US, substantially condition the scope, focus, and application of political marketing and although American campaigns maybe the breeding ground for technological innovation and birth of political marketing, there is more potential for the use of political marketing in Britain, due to the more centralised nature of political parties and campaigns and to the component delivery of the marketing model. This article found that Labours approach was far broader in scope, influencing aspects of its policies, personnel, internal organisation, and leadership behaviour. One should also understand that the use of marketing as a tool for political gains is not a new thing. Eisenhowers use of direct male in the early 50s in the US, and in the UK, Margaret Thatchers use of the Saatchi and Saatchi advertising agency (Scammell, 1994:23). H owever, there has been an increasing use of marketing methods in political campaigns over the latter part of the twentieth century (Smith and Saunders (1990: 295), Wring (1997:1131). To date the dominant paradigm has been to adapt consumer goods marketing ideas and frameworks (Baines and Egan, 2001:1), especially the marketing mix concept (Niffenegger, 1989:45). Other frameworks might provide a more fruitful basis for analysis. The broadening theory of marketing was based upon the notion that marketing ideas and techniques could be utilised whenever value is exchanged between two parties, e.g. charities, churches, and political parties, (Kotler and Levy, 1969:10). It was argued later that differences of form and content (Lock and Harris, 1996: 21), and structure and process (Butler and Collins, 1999:55) existed, and that value exchange was not so straightforward. Baines, Harris, and Newman (1999:1) additionally state that this commercial and political difference, when suggesting tha t political campaigns usually operate with shorter, more intense promotional campaigns, in oligopolistic markets, with polarised levels of voter loyalty, and differing potential for the degree of marketing orientation in different countries. It can be argued here that structural changes in the political landscape had an impact on the perceived need for adoption of marketing techniques. Voters are perceived to be less involved and less loyal than in the past (Ware, 1995: 6). This may partly be due to voter apathy, which is a growing trend in most western democracies. There are a number of factors that are central to the need for marketing in campaigns. They are lack of actual or perceived product differentiation; increasing numbers and frequency of electoral contests and referendum held, or simply because voters have more compelling distractions stimulated by increased wealth and leisure time. To cast ones vote was and is seen as less of a duty than was largely the case in the past. This is why marketing has evolved to be used as a way of demand intervention. Marketing and political campaigning or vice-versa can be deemed as inseparable, because of its strategic importance to the outcome of any election. Such is the perceived value of marketing that no political party and few individual candidates would challenge the role marketing plays in the modern campaign and electoral process. With all this in mind, this paper moves on to explore the full potential of political marketing on a theoretical level identifying the literature that a political party might use marketing and become market-orientated. It will examine the extent to which the Labour party in 1997, exhibited behaviour in line with this model and comparing this with the Conservative party in 1979. Additionally, the Republican party of the US would also be mentioned and examined with regard to correlations or differences between the use of this model, in the UK and the US between the political parties. Therefore the remainder of this paper is set as follow: Chapter 3: Theoretical concepts of Political Marketing Chapter 4: Labour Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 5: Conservative Party use of political marketing, 1997-2001 Chapter 6: The use of political marketing in the US in comparison to the UK Chapter 7: Summary and Conclusion References and Bibliography. Political parties use political marketing to determine their policies, organisation, communication and, ultimately, potential delivery in government. Political parties were traditionally perceived as bastions of ideology, dogma, idealism and rhetoric. In the twenty-first century, however, most if not all-political parties in the UK of varying ideologies, histories, sizes and fortunes are aware of political marketing. The extent to which they choose to use it, the form they adopt, and their success at adopting a market orientation may vary, but all understand the pressure from the political market to satisfy the general populace. Depending on their nature, political parties can use marketing in various ways. Parties differ in their size and goals. Major parties are large, established organisations whose dominant goal is to win control of government, therefore to win a general (or devolved) election. The Conservative and Labour parties in the UK are major parties and so try to use political marketing to win an election. Their market consists of the electorate, in addition to anyone else who has influence on voters, although the parties do not need to win support from everyone to gain power. Their product includes all aspects of their behaviour. Although a major party generally asks political consumers to vote for it on the basis of what it promises to do in government, its policy promises or party manifesto which it lays out to the general electorate, voters also take into account other aspects of party behaviour such as leadership, party unity, organisation, and the behaviour of members, because these may aff ect the ability of the party to deliver on policy promises. The current marketing philosophy focuses on how firms satisfy customers, and adopt what is called a market-orientation as this is deemed as the most effective way to meet the firms goals (Drucker, 1954:37). It can be argued here that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals. Orientation is a concept that the major parties should adopt, which is based on an attitude towards how they behave in relation to the electorate. There are three main political marketing orientations (Lees-Marshment 2001:692). Market-oriented parties (MOPs) design their product, including policies, leadership and organisation, to suit what political consumers demand, in order to achieve their goal of winning a general election. This does not mean they simply follow what everyone wants to them to do, because this would be impossible anyway, because demands are complex and competing. Instead they need to go through a complex process of stages. This is shown in Box 3.1. Box 3.1 The Process for a Market-Oriented Party Stage 1: Market intelligence Party finds out what voters need and want by: †¢ Keeping an ear to the ground, talking to activists, meeting the public; †¢ Using quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 2: Product design Party designs behaviour (including leadership, members, policies, staff, constitution and symbols) according to voters demands. Stage 3: Product adjustment Party designs product to suit the electorate at large and then needs to make sure it considers other factors: †¢ Achievability, determine whether the product design is achievable; †¢ Internal reaction analysis, to alter design to ensure it will obtain the support of enough MPs and members to ensure its implementation; †¢ Competition analysis, this is to promote opposition weaknesses and highlight own strengths; †¢ Support analysis, this is with the view of focusing on winning the support of voters, it does not have, but needs to win. Stage 4: Implementation   The findings from stages 1 – 3, must be implemented. The majority must accept the new behaviour broadly. This requires effective and considerate organisation and management. Stage5: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign, but also ongoing behaviour. The party ensures that communication helps it achieve electoral success; attempts to influence others in the communication process, such as journalist and opposition parties; and uses selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications Stage 6: Campaign This can be said to be the final chance for the political party to communicate with the voters. Stage 7: Election The party goes through the election. Stage 8: Delivery The party carries out promises made once in government. Box 3.2 The process for a Product-Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best represents them. Stage 2: Communication This includes the so=called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members, send a message to the electorate. The organisation is clear and effective; it is designed to advance arguments. Stage 3: Campaign The official election campaign period starts leading up to the election. 4: Election The general election takes place. Stage 5: Delivery on promises made during election as stated on the partys election manifesto The party will deliver its product in government. Box 3.3 The Process for Sales – Oriented Party Stage 1: Product design The party designs its behaviour according to what it thinks best. Stage 2: Market Intelligence The party aims to discover voters response to the product, especially voters who do not support the party but might, so that communications can be targeted on them. Informally, it keeps an ear to the ground, talks to party members, creates policy groups and meets with the public. Formally, it uses quantitative research (electoral results, public opinion polls and privately commissioned studies) and qualitative research such as a focus group. Stage 3: Communication This includes the so-called near-term or long-term campaign but also ongoing behaviour. Not just the leader, but all MPs and members send a message to the electorate. Attempts are made to ensure all communication helps achieve electoral success, and to influence others in the communication process. The organisation is clear and effective designed to advance arguments. It also makes use of selling techniques such as direct mail and targeted communications to persuade voters to agree with the party. Stage 4: Campaign   The official election campaign period kicks in up until election. The party continues to communicate effectively as in stage 3.   Stage 5: Election The general election. Stage 6: Delivery The party will deliver its promised product in government. Other parties with different goals may not choose to use political marketing in this way i.e. Box 3.1. However, if the dominant goal of a party is to advance a particular policy, rather than win an election, it maybe more product oriented. Product – Oriented parties (POPs) decide their behaviour or product themselves without much care for the opinions of political consumers, or rather, they assume that voters will realise that it is right and vote for it accordingly. Their process is quite simple: see Box 3.2. A product – oriented party refuses to change its ideas or product even if it fails to gain electoral or membership support. If a party is a small or minor party, with the main goal being not to win a general election but to put ideas on the agenda, this may be the most appropriate political marketing orientation. However, most partys overtime, grow to be concerned about their performance. They may then move to a sales orientation position, retaining the same product or behaviour, but using political marketing communication techniques, see Box 3.3. Market intelligence is used not to inform the product design, but to help the party persuade voters it is right and has sound electoral policies. Sales-oriented parties are often perceived as the more manipulative, because they use marketing to persuade or change public opinion. Current research indicates that the trend in the UK, at least amongst the major political parties, is towards the market-oriented approach (Lees-Marshment 2001). The trend is to evolve from product through to sales and then finally a market orientation, responding to the gradual rise of the political consumer. Major partys can however, win power using a market-orientation and then switch back to a sales or product once in power. Political parties often find it harder to rema in in touch with the public and responsive to the demands of political consumers once they are in government. Other small UK parties tend to adopt any one of the three orientations. Parties such as the Scottish National Party have moved through the classic product-sales-market –oriented cycle. The use of marketing by political parties is not as easy as the theory suggests. The latest research in political party marketing suggests that despite the desire of both the Conservative and Labour parties to adopt and maintain a market orientation, many obstacles get in the way. This will be fully explained in the following chapters. The Labour party has been one of political marketings success stories of the new century, at least on the surface. Using political marketing to become more in touch with the public, reduce any unwanted historical baggage, and even relabelled itself as ‘New Labour, it first became market oriented in order to win the previous election in 1997. It remains the fullest example of a market-oriented party, following the model to the greatest degree of any party ever seen. However, after obtaining the mandate of power from the UK electorate, the party met many obstacles to delivering on its 1997election promises. This is a major potential weakness: Labour support is very much based on promised outputs, so it needs to be seen to deliver. It is in the context that Labour attempted to maintain a market orientation and retain its electoral support during 1997 – 2001. Table 4.1 The Labour government and Delivery, February 2000 ‘There is a lot of talk at the moment about whether the present government is or is not ‘delivering. From what you know, do you think that it is or is not delivering on each of the following? Source: Gallup Political Index Delivery in government on the 1997 election promises Delivering the political product as stated previously is not an easy task. It is one of unanswered potential conundrums at the heart of political marketing (Laing and Lees-Marshment, 2002:19). The Labour party understood this. The party talked constantly about the need to deliver. It copied business and started to issue an annual report on its delivery of its promises (Labour Party 1999: 3-7, 2000). Labour undoubtly succeeded in some areas, such as constitutional reform, with the introduction of devolution in Scotland and Wales and the removal of hereditary peers from the House of Lords. However, Labour failed to convince many voters that it had made real improvement to standards in the public services, which is the core part of the 1997 product. Public resentment about Labours failures to deliver grew, Table 4.1, gives you the evidence. There was also dissatisfaction with the Labour party. A report from the Labour party itself based on its private polls leaked in the independent warning that the partys huge lead in the opinion polls masks the fact that people are turning against the Government because they believe it is failing to deliver its 1997 general election party manifesto. In July 2000 a MORI survey indicated that 57% of respondents did not think the leader of the Labour Party had kept the parties election promises. See the following table: Table 4.2 Perceived performance of the prime minister, July 2000 Since becoming prime minister in May 1997, do you think, Tony Blair has or has not delivered election promises made in the partys election manifesto? Source: MORI telephone survey 20-22, July 2000 Labour therefore still needed to utilise political marketing, but this time to maintain rather than win support. Stage 1: Market Intelligence The Labour party conducted substantial market intelligence. Philip Gould conducted focus group work for the party; Greg Crook ran a rolling programme of opinion polling (Cook, 2002:87); the partys advertising agency, TVWA London, also conducted research (Lawther, 2002:1). Labour also analysed results of elections to local authorities, the devolved institutions, the European parliament and parliamentary by-elections (Cook, 2002:88). It took account of negative criticism despite the overall positive polls and continued to monitor the performance of the opposition. During 1997 – 2001 Labour continually discussed voters needs. Stage 2: Product design The New Labour product offered to the electorate in 2001 was extremely similar to that offered in 1997, with greater determination to deliver in the second term. Policy: In terms of policy, the focus remained on raising standards in the public services, such as health and education. The party retained its commitment to low income tax and competent economic management. There were slight changes in terms of greater investment in public services in order to improve them, but such moves were made without a call o increase tax. Stephen Lawther, polling coordinator for the Scottish Labour Party, argued that Labour put forward a strong product: †¢ Minimum wage; †¢ 1 million new jobs; †¢ Lowest unemployment in 25 years; †¢ Lowest inflation in 30 years; †¢ Winter fuel allowance;   Ã¢â‚¬ ¢ Record investment in schools in hospitals; †¢ Small class sizes; †¢ A nursery place for every 4 year old; †¢ 10,000 more nurses in the NHS; †¢ Working families tax credit reduction; †¢ Scottish parliament (devolution), (Lawther, 2002). Leadership: As leader, the prime minister continued to exercise strong and determined control over his party and the senior leadership and cabinet in particular. The prime minister enjoyed extremely high popularity scores in public opinion polls until the end of the 1997-2002 periods, when he began to attract criticism for being smarmy, arrogant and out of touch with the national electorate. In June 2000, the prime minister was even slow-hand-clapped by the Womens Institute. Internal membership: Changes were made within the party with the aim of making members more involved (Seyd 1999:390-391). Members-only sessions were introduced at the annual party conference, to ensure members had a chance to air their views without damaging the party externally. Partnership in power, a series of proposals to change certain organisational structures within the party, devolved policy-making to the National Policy Forum to provide greater consultation with the membership. Nevertheless, party membership slumped from 420,000 after 1997 election to just 320,000 by mid-1999. Many of those who remained were de-energised (Seyd and Whiteley, 1999). This reflects the limited application of marketing to the membership, (Lees-Marshment, 2001a). The foundations of Labours support have been eroded, making it even more crucial that the party satisfy voters through delivery on public services. Party Unity: The leadership exerted significant control over the partys participation within the new devolved institutions in the selection of the leadership candidate for the Welsh assembly, which aroused significant discontent among Labour party activists. Another case was the election for the London mayor. After failing to be selected as the Labour candidate, an old left-winger, Ken Livingston, stood as an independent after calls from the public to do so, and won. This was an indication of the discontent at the grassroots of the Labour party: an issue that Labour continues to struggle with, due to its use of political marketing. Stage 3: Product Adjustment Achievability: Learning in government that delivering on the 1997 pledges, particularly those about the quality of public services, was extremely difficult, the party made promises for the next term of office in terms of inputs rather than outputs, such as ‘x number of nurses or police rather than reduce waiting list or lower levels of crime. Inputs are easier to deliver because they are easier to control (Lees-Marshment and Laing, 2002:20). The 2001 pledges were: †¢ Mortgages to be as low as possible, low inflation and sound public finances; †¢ 10,000 extra teachers and higher standards in secondary schools; †¢ 20,000 extra nurses and 10,000 extra doctors in a reformed NHS; †¢ 6,000 extra recruits to raise police numbers to their highest ever level; †¢ Pensioners winter fuel payment retained, minimum wage rising to  £4.20, and most recently to  £5.25 an hour. Internal reaction analysis: The decline in membership that Labour experienced after 1997 suggests failure of internal reaction analysis. The new system of policy-making was criticised for restricting the opportunity for debate at conference and ignoring the work of policy forums (Seyd, 2002:95). The selection processes used for the Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly and London mayor also indicated a lack of internal reaction analysis and generated further discontent. Competition analysis: Labour engaged in a significant competition analysis in terms of its planning for the campaign. It was keen that voters would see the election as a choice between the parties rather than a referendum on Labours mixed record of delivery (Gould, 2002:57, Lawther, 2002:1). Posters reassured voters about the party, saying, ‘Thanks for voting Labour, but also reminding them of potential problems the Conservatives might bring, with posters headed ‘Economic Disaster II). Support analysis: Labour analysed voters who were former Conservatives that had defected to the party in 1997, and found that this group would stay with the party. Attention then shifted to mobilising people to vote, as the party feared it could lose support due to a low turnout. Labour played on the emotion of fear at a prospective Tory victory, commissioning the famous ‘wiggy poster of the then leader of the Conservative party, warning ‘Get out and vote or they get in. It tried to put forward the vision that the work goes on and voters needed to give the party more time. Stage 4: Implementation The leader of the Labour party insisted on strict party unity: i.e. all ministers had to agree any interaction with the media and the press office of the Labour party, to ensure unified communication from government. The partys leader had a few difficulties passing legislation. And ambitious MPs knew they had to keep in line with the leadership if they wished to advance their careers. Blair (the leader of the Labour Party) followed the market-oriented party model to fine detail, promoting those who followed the product design and sidelining those who voiced dissent. Nevertheless Labour was criticised for being too ‘Control Conscious. Stage 5: Communication Labour continued to control communication from the party and also central government. The Government Information Service was used to communicate the governments message and delivery (Scammell, 2001). Government spending on advertising increased massively in the four years between 1997 and 2001 (Grice, 2001). Party communication was also focused on delivery: party political broad casts during the elections to the European parliament, for example, focused on the governments achievements, rather than European issues. Communication did not succeed in convincing voters that the government had delivered as initially thought. Stage 6: Campaign The character of the partys product and its delivery performance in office determined Labours campaign. It focused on the need to deliver, asking for more time to do its job. Labour used target marketing and campaigned most heavily in marginal seats where it was assumed that its efforts would have the greatest effect (Cook, 2002:87). In Scotland Labour sent out targeted direct mail in the form of a letter from both the leader of the party and the deputy leader to segments of the market such as Scottish National Party (SNP) floaters, and Labour also ran health rallies and a pledge day to reinforce key themes. The campaign was closely co-ordinated from the partys Millbank headquarters, with an integrated marketing communications structure. Responding to market intelligence, significant effort went into getting the vote out, through ‘Operation Turnout. This assessed the party identification and voting history of electors in target seats and sent a direct marketing message to them to get them to vote (Lawther, 2002). Nevertheless, the underlying public dissatisfaction with public services was brought to the fore when Blair was accosted by the partner of a patient complaining about the poor standards of care in the NHS in a di

Nathaniel Hawthornes Young Goodman Browns Apocalypse Essay -- Young

Nathaniel Hawthorne's Young Goodman Brown's Apocalypse      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Most criticism and reflection of Nathaniel Hawthorne's Young Goodman Brown centers on a good versus evil theme. Critics also debate interpretations of the main character's consciousness; is Brown awake or dreaming.   What is certain is that he lives and dies in pain because his belief in his righteousness isolates him from his community.   It is also certain that Hawthorne's interpretation of Brown's "mid-life crisis" has ambiguity and leaves a reader with many different feelings about what and why certain things have happened.   Hawthorne's use of symbolism in his allegorical tale Young Goodman Brown causes the main character's revelations about the sin within his community, his family and himself.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Young Goodman Brown's journey into the forest is best defined as a kind of "general, indeterminate allegory, representing man's irrational drive to leave faith, home, and security temporarily behind, for whatever reason, and take a chance with one(more) errand onto the wilder shores of experience" (Martin).   Brown has a curiosity that "kills"   his naive outlook on life and changes him until his death.   He has a mission to go into the forest and   meet the devil.   A mission that he begins out of curiosity and a "deep need to see if the teachings of his childhood, his religion, and his culture, have armed him sufficiently to look the devil in the face and return unscathed" (Hodara 1).   The symbol of the forest, late at night, can be interpreted as the untamed regions of Brown's heart where the devil roams freely as he roams in the forest. The forest is the devil's ... ...ism.   Vol 3. Detriot: Gale, 1989.    Hawthorne, Nathaniel, The Great Short Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Ed. Fredrick C. Crews.   New York: Barnes and Noble, Inc., 1992.    "Hawthorne, Nathaniel,"   Microsoft (R) Encarta. Microsoft Corporation. Funk & Wagnall's Corporation, 1994.    Hodara, Alan.   "Some Thoughts On Young Goodman Brown."   (26 Oct. 1996).    Jones, Madison.   "Nathaniel Hawthorne." Short Story Criticism.   Vol 3. Detriot: Gale, 1989.    MaGill, Frank, ed.   Critical Survery of Short Fiction.   Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Salam Press, 1981.    Martin, Terence. "Nathaniel Hawthorne." Short Story Criticism.   Vol 3. Detriot: Gale, 1989.    Mikosh,   Bert A., "A View of Young Goodman Brown."    (11-9-96).    Segura, Gilberto.   "The Allegorical Goodman Brown."   (11-9-96).   

Revenge in Hamlet Essay

â€Å"Hamlet is the finest of all plays in the English revenge tradition† (Shakespeare, IV). The recurring theme in William Shakespeare’s play, Hamlet, is revenge, every character in this play wants revenge on someone else. Revenge in this play means murder. From the beginning right through until the end of the book, there are three instances where revenge is seen; the ghost of Hamlet senior wants revenge on Claudius, Hamlet wants revenge on Claudius and Laertes wants revenge on Hamlet. Hamlet is the most serious play on revenge because of all the questions asked (Shakespeare, IV). At the very beginning of Hamlet, Hamlet seniors ghost appears to his son, Hamlet and demands revenge on his brother, Claudius. Claudius murders his brother because he wants to become king, his ambition and he wants to have the Queen Gertrude as his wife. When the ghost of Hamlet senior appears to Hamlet he says, â€Å"So art thou to revenge when thou shalt hear† (1.5. Line 7). Once Hamlet discovers that Claudius is the murderer of his father, Hamlet shall find revenge on his uncle. Also during the ghost’s appearance he tells his son to revenge Claudius’ soul in an unnatural murder, â€Å"Revenge his soul and most unnatural murder† (1.5. Line 25). Hamlet senior wants his son, Hamlet to find revenge on Claudius for his death and stealing his Queen. Now that Hamlet knows about his fathers murder and who actually caused it, he wants revenge. Hamlet wants revenge on his uncle, King Claudius for his fathers death. There are several chances that Hamlets has had throughout the play to get back at Claudius, but each time he hesitates and waits for better timing and different circumstances. During Act three, Scene three of Hamlet, Hamlet draws his sword and says to himself, â€Å"To take him in the purging of his soul,/ When he is fit and seasoned for his passage?/ No./ Up, sword, and know thou a more horrid hent† (3.3. Lines 85-89). Hamlet has a chance to avenge his father, but hesitates. Later on in the play, Hamlet has another chance to kill his uncle, â€Å"Here, thou incestuous, murderous, damned Dane,/ Drink off this potion. Is thy union here?/ Follow my mother† (5.2. Lines 318-320). Hamlet finally avenges his father and kills King Claudius. Finally, there is the revenge Laertes wants from Hamlet for his father’s death and his sister’s insanity. Laertes discovers Hamlet is home and wants his revenge. During act three, scene four of Hamlet, Hamlet murders Polonius, Laertes’ father and he lead Ophelia, Laertes’ sister to insanity.  As Laertes was conversing with the King, he says, â€Å"I dare damnation. To this point I stand,/ That both the worlds I give to negligence,/ Let come what comes, only I’ll be reveng’d/ Most throughly for my father† (4.5. Lines 132-135). At the point Laertes is at, he does not care what happens to himself as long as he finds avenge on his father and his sister. Laertes decides that he will wait until he is able to get back at Hamlet, he says â€Å"And so have I a noble father lost,/ A sister driven into desp’rate terms,/ Whose worth, if praises may go back again,/ Stood challenger on mount of all the age/ For her perfections. But my revenge will come† (4.7. Lines 25-29). Laertes never did get his revenge on Hamlet, as Hamlet actually kills Laertes. As it has been proven, Shakespeare’s play Hamlet has a recurring theme of revenge and each case of revenge resulted in a death. Everyone wants their revenge on someone! In Hamlet, revenge is a serious matter because of its results. Hamlet senior’s ghost and Hamlet both receive their revenge on Claudius when he is killed by Hamlet. Laertes wants his revenge on Hamlet but Hamlet kills Laertes before he gets the chance. Works Cited Shakespeare, William. Hamlet. New York: Oxford University Press., 2002. Print